by Ben Mendelowitz
In 2009, 11 refugees applied to
the European Court of Human Rights under:
A violation of their right to
liberty and security.
A violation of the right to have lawfulness
of detention decided by a court.
A violation of the right to be
compensated for such violations.
Rather similar to the human
rights case heard before the House of Lords in 2005 (A and Other v Secretary of
State for Home Department). So the question must be asked: Can the government carry
out discriminatory detention schemes?
But first, some context is
needed. The applicants were 11 individual, six of Algerian nationality; four of
French, Jordanian, Moroccan and Tunisian nationality; and one, born in a
Palestinian refugee camp in Jordan, is of no state.
Following the ‘al-Qaida
claimed’ attacks of 11 September 2001 on the United States, the British
government concluded that the UK was a potential target for terrorist attacks,
such attacks giving rise to a ‘public emergency threatening the life of the
nation’ within the meaning of Article 15 of the European Convention on Human
Rights.
The government believed that
the threat came from a number of foreign individuals present in the UK providing
a support network for extremist Islamic terrorist operations linked to al-Qaida.
These individuals could not be deported a there was a risk that each would be
harmed in his own country – in breach of Article 3 of the ECHR. Therefore the
government considered it was necessary to create an extended power permitting
the detention of foreign nationals, where the Secretary of State believed that
the individual’s presence in the UK threatened national security.
Yet this detention scheme
could be considered ‘incompatible’ with Article 5.1 of the ECHR (right to
liberty), so on the 11 November 2001 the government issued a notice of
derogation under Article 15 of the ECHR to the Secretary General of the Council
of Europe (at the time Daniel Tarschys). This set out, under the Crime and
Security Act 2001, the powers to detain foreign nationals identified as
‘suspected international terrorists’ who could not ‘presently’ be removed from
the UK.
This legislation was
short-lived, but during its 4-year life span 16 individuals, including these 11
applicants were indentified and detained. Six of these applicants were detained
on 19 December 2001; the others being detained on various dates until October
2003. All were initially detained at Belmarsh Prison. The Moroccan and French
applicants elected to leave the UK and were released. Yet three applicants were
transferred to Broadmoor Secure Mental Hospital following deterioration in
their mental health.
Moreover, each applicant
appealed to the Special Immigration Appeals Commission against the State’s
decision to identify him as a ‘terrorist’. Throughout this appeal the SIAC
separated evidence, only making some ‘non-sensitive’ material available to each
detainee and their legal representatives. On 30 July 2002, the SIAC upheld the
decisions to certify the individuals yet, because the detention scheme only
applied to foreign nationals, it was found to be in breach of the Convention.
On 21 January 2005 the
application was lodged with the European Court of Human Rights and was heard in
public hearing on 21 May 2008. The applicants alleged before the Court that
their indefinite detention in high security conditions amounted to inhumane of
degrading treatment. They also complained that the detention scheme was
unlawful and discriminatory and that the derogation was disproportionate.
Furthermore, although their detention was deemed to be in breach of UK law as
they were unable to bring about any proceedings in the UK to claim compensation
or bring about release – essentially a gross breach of their human rights under
the ECHR. Finally, the applicants stated that during their appeals against
identification before the SIAC (Special Immigration Appeals Commission) they
only had limited knowledge of the case against them and, therefore, only had limited
possibility to challenge it.
So, considering these allegations, the court held
unanimously that there had been:
· No violation of Article 3 (prohibition of torture and inhumane or degrading treatment) taken alone or in conjunction with Article 13 (right to an effective remedy) of the European Convention on Human Rights in respect of all the applicants, except the Moroccan applicant whose complaints under these articles were declared inadmissible. The Court found no violation as applicants did have prospect of release (being able to challenge the legality of detention), remedies to challenge conditions of detention and there was no evidence of inhumane or degrading treatment.
· A violation of Article 5.1 (right to liberty and security) of the Convention in respect of all the applicants, apart from the Moroccan and French applicants who had elected to leave the UK. In regard of the other applicants the court ruled that as the applicants had been detained without the objective of deportation or being charged. Moreover the House of Lords had found the derogating measures, which permitted their indefinite detention, discriminated unjustifiably between nationals and non-nationals.
· A violation of Article 5.4 (right to have lawfulness of detention decided by a court) in respect of two of the Algerian applicants, the stateless and Tunisian applicants as they had not been able to challenge the allegations against them due to the limited provision of evidence; and,
· A violation of Article 5.5 in respect of all the applicants, except the applicants who had elected to leave, on account of the lack of an enforceable right to compensation for the above violations
The Court gave compensation
in view of the fact that the scheme was set up in the face of ‘a public
emergency’ and to protect the UK against terrorism with obligation not to send
applicants back to their domestic countries – where they faced the risk of serious
ill treatment.
I believe that this is a
rather important case. It shows that the power of the executive can be
curtailed in regard to trampling on individual’s rights as well as showing that
the ECHR isn’t some hyper human rights activist body (as many European court
bashing politicians say). The Court came to a very sensible decision – whatever
political reasons for limiting the derogation to nationals, they cannot justify
discriminating on nationality, especially when this undermines the whole reasoning
behind the derogation, since nationals can be equally dangerous to the state-
the 7/7 bombings in London can demonstrate this.
Therefore, this would be
particularly useful for politics students because (if you can shorten this into
a couple of lines) a very good example of the balance, leniency and fairness
the ECHR is capable of achieving.
No comments:
Post a Comment